Skip to main content

Full text of "Address of the Atlanta register to the people of the Confederate States"

See other formats







w ras 








(Si OGv. 

J. A. SPERRY/& C^. /f 


milium nrnim 

Ttri ft li'ii'i f i M i'il i ' n ' n' i fi hlili l i U ili'i f i h 'i l i ' ili ' i lf il i f il il i lili'i f ii V ii V ? 





ederstte'- States 

>-*r» O I. " *%$% T*~ 

Fellow Countrymen : We are- indi 
fellow-countrymen in a new and r 
impressive sense. The ritual of so 
in which all great It 'volutions cha 
to human hearts their deepest m 
ings, has consecrated us afresh to one 
another in the offices of patriotic fellow- 
ship. Fellow-countrymen, by virtue of 
birth and blood ; united through those 
common traditions and sentiments 
which, at the period of our ancestral 
age, formed an era in the career of 
Modern ^iviliEation, and in our day, 
have reproduced themselves with a 
broader significance ; sharing, too, the 
same instincts, the same aims, the same 
heroic inspirations j we have been made 
fellow-countrymen in a larger measure 
of affection by means of those sacrifi- 
ces and sufferings, which Providence 
has ordained, and, in ordaining, has 
anointed us to endure. A holier sanc- 
tity, breathed from Heaven, has been 
imparted to our civil and social rela- 
tions. The strong fibres that three 
years since bound us to fathers, broth- 
ers, sons, now bind us to the soil, in 
which their martyred dust reposes. 
We are Fellow-countrymen as we 
never were before. If we rightly ap- 
preciate this fact, it may lead us into 
those wide realms of thought which 
involve the momentous future. Sub- 

;*nd impassioned feelings are the 
st achievement of Revolutions ;. 
e assured, if this gigantic conflict 
w you closer together, there wilL 
pring from it that profounder convic- 
tion of human brotherhood which Ame- 

to violated, 

for which 

Sod's most 

rican civilization 

and ' 

hearts', thaA 
ountrjq^PFin this teR 
;hese words, 
and pro., 
•an emphasis 
ecreejj&f Pro- 
u% Mto a 
oneness such as nojp^ople ev^r eJthibif- 
ed. Heroic qualities, oncgf rwarded 
as the attributes of the fadv, have, 
during this strife, immortalized the 
many. The whole popul^tiVm has been 
condensed into one mighty incarnation 
of valor, and, for the fjpt tjfce in th<; 
annals of humanity, rnjyi, w*nen, chil- 
dren, have beenjrjoirif-participants in 
a grand conflict, a^S joint heirs of its 
illustrious renMttL Towards one ui- 
other, towardyoujRierttical institutions 
we are aU^puj»«cans— the s.iuir re- 
publicapeaa waenin 1789, we shapod 
the / A™erfCi'u jCojfititution to be the 
odiment_*Tth€popular will. V:v 


ilization never outgrows a great prin* 
cple ; circumstances never lessen its 
value ; time, ruthless in all else, never 
dooms it to decay. A great princi 
is not an invention, not a discover^ 
not a creation. It is a revelatibn»the 
tlought of God communicated to man ; 
and as He pleases, at diifefl^t inter- 
vals, page after page, chapter after 
chapter, are added to those Providen- 
tial Scriptures, which, like the Bible to 
the/ Christian, form the text-book for 
earthly faith and practice. The nature 
of such a principle renders it supreme. 
Invested with supremacy, it subordi- 
nates all other principles to itself, 
infuses into them its vitality, and 
reigns as sovereign in the world of 
•thought Rule it will, rule it jpjet, 
because Almighty God' is in it.^"\j>\ y '*- 

Such a principle is the sovereignty 
of the people. But, while we #re 
Republicans, hereditary, organic 
publicans, let your enemies understa^ 
my countrymen, that you are towarf8| 


them and their 
an aristocracy 
cavalier bl<"- ,: ! r 



barbarian D< % m< 
in arms. The 

vrs in yon.!' vein? 
tkftnn? in 


poses of *his revolution, Providence 
has long been preparing you by a series 
ver I of events stretching from the James- 
ptarttfwn of 1607 to the Richmond of 1864, 
|jrj| J for that unity of sentiment, will and 
prowess, wi ich you now display. Such 
a sublime spectacle the world never 
behfld. Eight millions of people stand 
ready to be eight millions of martyrs. 
France in the days of the great Revo 
lution had her La Vendee. The dynas- 
ty of Cromwell had Charles the Secoud 
in waiting for the hour of reaction ; 
while in the Revolution of 1688, such 
was the division of opinion and feeling 
in England, and so eagerly was it fos- 
tered by France, that William could 
not relj r upon his own subjects to furn- 
ish means for supporting his Govern- 
ment. Not so with ns. The unity 
evinced in this Revolution is*- more re- 
markable than the Revolution itself ; 
nfijt should we regard it an a mere fea- 
tum but as an internal principle of 
Ppf which, called long since into being 


iig that 
rils. T! 

stantly nourished 

of accu 1 
dvyViiy ■■■•it 

A tr: 

jr, a 

by the re- 
energy, hits 
.ifctnt v-rork, 
aidmal tr-^t. 

i'&tut'C -'I- >d 

■v.. b-;t * 

you an unit. 
than you are. 
sti nets : men,*' 
that yoar sav 

They %now its plfcr. "Power, did I 
s;iy !" V'Tis not a power, but a force. 
Your enVnies remember its history, its 
j alousy of Federal authority, its sac- 
ramental fidelity to conviction. Saga- 
cious enougV |o foresee bow this in- 
stinct, embodyuag itself in the only true 
conceptioirof American Liberty, must 
permeate thin a^ntrWnt — how* propa- 
g.itive its intense vitality— how resist 
1 's:- its subtle and select ric sympathy, 
t.t-j have deemed ao^xpenditure of, 
treasure too costly^Sp VBteme of life 
t'o large, do energy %po ri^nic, no 
c i • uivai of death tau l||rri]jle, > JC they 
f.-.ti but crush its mWitySitrengthTN^ut 
ii conformity with the -victorious pu 

f',p|.-rfeQf- , '.(d 

i is iii.Jt ■- 

lucky cii'ci 
j'/-? iiui' /-j b^-.tCi-iCal rt.suiL To compre- 
hend ii." uiport of this unity, you must 
not simply study the political and so- 
cial events, which, during two Gent- 
ries, have transpired on this hemis- 
phere. These events themselves were 
historic results, links in that chain of 
unity which now binds you so firmly 
together. The original charters under 
which the American colonies were set- 
tled the physical geography of our 
section of the continent ; the peculiari- 
ties of blood, temperament and habits ; 
these are the sources to which this unity 
must be traced. Mor must you fail to 
notice that Southern unity has been a 
fundamental fact in the entire career 
of American civilization. But for its 
energetic activity, the incipient policy 
of the thirteen colonies would never 
have shaped itself in the particular 
form of freedom which it s . .'ured. It 
ave the specific aim to the Revolution 


of 1776. It wrote the Declaration of 
Independence. It made Ot: 
Adams, the Patrick Henrys of N 
England. Had its presence as an i 
spiration, been wanting in 1812, the 
memorable war that determined our 
Foreign Policy, and introduced Ameri- 
can ideas into International Law would 
not have been fought. Strengthened 
by these conquests of principle much 
more than by material acquisitions, 
this same unity of the South opened the 
Valley of the Mississippi, added the 
Empire of Texas, and enriched the 
wealth of the whole country with the 
gold of California. Such is its past. 
But its present is still more significant; 
and today, January 1st, 1864, after 
accomplishing its providential purpose 
in the Union, it has been detached from 
its long-cherished connections, that it 
may enter upon a sphere wider, nobler, 
and far more momentous to the welfare' 
of the American continent, to theinljp 
rests of universal brotherhood, and tj 
the destinies of future ages, than it hai 
hitherto occupied. 

the sands of the desett in the Arab, 
cling to the sea in the*'Scandinavian, 
keep down Mongolians on the same 
fix^d level with their remote ancestry, 

rt Norse pirates iilo English 
n hese are the force* dividing 

nto present inequabties for 

:olenes8. Usages, arts, i ri - 
politics, are matters of 

.or can we have political 
economy or international law wofthy 
of their ideal functions until this ftict 
is seen as fundamental. Each of these 
races has its .providential offices, its 
allotted limits, individuality of endow- 
ments, its divine tasks, its ultimate 
ends. Agreeably to this truth, we 
shall make little progress in a rati mtj 
system of international industry, or in 
the establishment of a basis for thi 
pacification of the conflicting interests 
of the world, unless we comprehend Hi© 
■economy of Providence in the organi- 
sation of races. 

Y< <u belong to the Anglo-Saxon Race 
In politics, 

I of ■'.!. then, my coun^'y^-a 

you siioald re;*.!:?.-.': iiiar, y»:> nre a .Pro.. 
videnlial' Ea.-e. The ui. :■ ., ■•(" races,'i'i f i0 •; the econour, of Pr>vi- 
c?<;nce, lias no logical or moral value. 
It is i'. post mortem, illuminated by the 
lamp of the sepulchre. Worthless as a 
speculation, it becomes one of the most 
pernicious of errors, wh6n statesman- 
ship undertakes to deal with its great 
facts on the mere ground of selfish and 
sordid interests. The philosophical and 
practical problems of the age, which 
now engage so much attention, are 
mainly resolvable into the relations of 
races to one auother, and to the race 
as a whole. The "one blond," out of 
which, in its containing fulness, God 
hath made ' all nations," could never 
have unity unless it had variety ; there 
could not exist a race except in the 
for>n of* races ; and hence to attain a 
perfect civilization as the patrimony of 
man, these distributions of brain and 
heart, these direct instincts that hug 


their chosen ground, they outwirljfand 

outfight the world. Such are the Juali- 

ties, my countrymen, that rdeq^JnatG 

your Providential position, t 

t"st of Providence to the set 

your ancestors in these 

Anglo-Saxon instincts a: 

which made them the pi^jCer; 

continent no less thtfn 

a new age ; to 

Huguenot sent; 

one hand, g 

their political 

other, such^mp; 

their feeli 



lh#ff to o 



, to the 


f a new 

te proph-ts of 

tch, Irish, awd 

which, on the- 

an emphasis to 

»Bes, and, on the 

■ibned intensity to 

s, t#*the physical laws of 

h th:y were coin- 



;hc .nij.riial seiuse 
'individuality which their 


plantation life created ; to the thorough 
consistency with which they remained 
Englishmen until England, in a swoon 
of her political intellect, ceased to be 
England ts them ; to their transforma- 
tion into -Americans by the ojltgi(pwth 
of ideas from within, so that their new 
political civilization represented them- 
selves, not their industry and trade, as 
it did at the North ; and then study 
the wide historic unfoldings of these 
facts, and you will need no further 
proof that Providence has stamped its 
.seal upon your race. But while the 
argument requires no confirmatory 
svidence, it cannot be expletive to fur- 
nish illustrations of its truth. 

Look, fellow-countrymen, at the fact, 
that your statesmen conceived the the- 
ory of the American Constitution, and 
that they, always more devoted to the 
service of the Federal Government than 
to domestic and local statesmanship, 
furnished the leaders under whose gui- 
dance the Union grew into continental 
magnitude. Look, too, how they guar- 
ded the doctrine of State fcovereignty, 
the providential principle of American 
civilization, andjphe germ of all the in- 
ial grandeur, of this 
k at the Afrjgan, jcpm- 

dustrial and 

hemisphere... Li 
jetted to your^ 
i'roia God, tha 

nda as a s« 
y means of 



F& the 


original conditjj 

a .&ys.tem of 

Europe i*ever could have ns| 

tor any purpose connected 

in trust 


,'OH might rerjsjf^a the curse ,90m his 

with the 
iV.orid's progress. Fixed laws forbade 
it. T^e Taet continent, disowned and 
degraded, swung from Asia-Europe as 
a, world\f dead sand. But you have 
made it ay living world. It has un- 
loosed' itself, .from Asia-Europe, and, 
binding itselr\to your magnificent do- 
main, it has b\coqie a fruitful tropic. 
-5 uch facts are P\>vt4P nce ^ n nesn an( i 
blood. Through tlieifc instrumentality 
Providence inearnatJ^itself so that we 
may see it, hear ii, IrautVfiit, walk with 
it. The highest dig.miy\fa race, its 
genuine power, its capacity for en- 
I argement hy absorption frpm^ithout 
as well as by growth from withfhyits 
abilitv to serve the world, ihese aK 

proceed*from a sense of that Providen' 
tia> ministry which it executes. The 
tpue life of a nation can be nothing 
'else than a working out ol its Provi- 
dential ordinations. Depend upon it. 
fellow-countrymen, till you see this, 
you see nothing. If your statesman- 
ship fail to comprehend it, I warn you 
that it will be a profane and atheistic 
statesmanship ; and nothing will re- 
main for your political probation, but 
to agonize on amid a wilder turbulance 
and a larger outpouring of blood. Be- 
lieve me when I tell you that this war, 
cruel, tyrannical, brutal as it is on the 
part ot your enemies, and subjecting 
you to the endurance of superhuman 
wrongs, has an incalculable value for 
yourselves, and for the Anglo-Saxon 
race ©n this hemisphere. But the re- 
alization of this immense benefit will 
be determined by the clearness with 
which you see, and the fidelity with 
which you embrace, the Providential 
jbrinciple of American civilization. 


This principle is Local Sovereignty. 
I call it a Providential principle be- 
cause its nature, history, results, indi- 
cate its origin. Looking at its nature, 
we see that it is, analogous in politics 
to that sentiment of personal agency 
and responsibility, on which Christian- 
ity founds its entire influence over 
character and conduct. Its history, 
whether traced in Europe or upon this 
continent, evinces an energy, an ex- 
pansibility, no other principle has dis- 
played. In its results, we find every- 
thing that allies a principle with the 
happier fortunes of mankind. 

Had the c@lonization of this conti- 
nent followed immediately after its 
discovery, it is not difficult to see that 
this germ with its capacity for growth 
would not, ; at that time, have been 
planted in our soil. The sixteenth 
century had no such principle to give 
this new world of the West, and hence, 
every effort tc occupy its territory, 
although imagination, ambition, and 
adventure stimulated the work, signal- 


ly failed. Neither the influence of 'He 
''good and brave Coligny," nor th* 
splendid abilities of Sir Walter Raleigh 
could suffice to accomplish an object 
so dear to their affections, and so in- 
spiriting to their hopes. Even then, 
England had the resources, the means, 
the population, with which, logically 
speaking, the process of colonizing 
could have been commenced. But she 
was not England. Not yet liberated 
from her prejudices, and from the ser- 
vile policy which she had blindly in- 
herited from a darker age, she had to 
wait for the century of Milton, when 
her own constitution shaped itself to' 
the ideal of freedom before any marked 
progress could be made in colonizing 
these lands. Under the charters gran- 
ted, Local Sovereignty grew, by de- 
grees, to be the leading fact in colo- 
nial history. Where the internal strug- 
gle was severe, as in the case of Virgi- 
nia, the triumph of the principle wag' 
most signal. Where it was repress- 
ed, as in the colony of New Nether- 
lands, through the mercantile aristoc- 
racy of the mother country, no pros- 
perity was enjoyed. New Amsterdam 
became New York when the Dutch 
colony passed into the hands of the 
English, and then, "for the first time 
the voice of the people was heard in 
its legislation ; it began thenceforth to 
advance rapidly in population, and, 
notwithstanding occasional seasons of 
trial and depression, gave early prom- 
ise of what it was one day to become." 

Thus early did this principle acquire 
a firm hold on American soil as the 
tap-root of the Tree of Liberty, which 
should determine the height of its lofty 
trunk, and the outreach of its broad 
branches. Without doubt, it was an 
abridged principle. But still it was a 
principle, vital, aggressive, elastic. 
And had this single principle been 
wanting, the colonies could never have 
been reared to that strength of manhood 
which enabled them to confront so 
sturdily the arms of England. 

The principle of Local Sovereignty, 

good. To develop a great political 
and morai principle, it is necessary to 
subject it to intestine conflict, no less 
than'fcttK, outward strife. Precisely in 
this fwaW'old manner, was this doctrine 
purified Urom its corruptions, and fitted 
for its jperfect work. Jealous of its 
claims, fingland resisted its progress 
and thus intensified its strength, while 
the. intolerance exhibited towards Roger 
Williams in Massachusetts, and to- 
wards the Quakers in Virginia, pre- 
pared the way for that sentiment of 
religious liberty which was subse- 
quently established. Step by step this 
doctrine of Local Sovereignty advanced 
until it brought on a collision between 
the mother country and the colonies. 
Only one thing remained for it to ae 
complish, viz : to change Englishmen 
into Americans, and this result, aided 
by revolutionary agencies, was speedi- 
ly attained. Viewing this subject, 
then, in the light of facts, we see that 
this principle of Local Sovereignty 
passed through its colonial stage of 
development net. merew as a political 
doctrine, but as a 
mofa^, fact. • Every 
builty- 'eyjgy plantatio| 
artici^'Mfrodiiced intl 
rel igUjpin teres t, assiejl 
and Tin 
as a lal 
it becail 

Its incipient stage of existence com- 
pleted, Local Sovereignty, expanded 
into State Sovereignty Spelling ot 
colonies, Mc'hillpch remarkV that, "i! 
we except the restraints ojprtheir com- 
merce, the monopoly d& which was 
jealously guarded by thr mother coun- 
try, the inhabitant ofiTVirginia, reins 
sylvania, and Nlfw^^lngland enjoyed 
nearly the same^flegree of freedom , 
when colonists^ft**England, that they 
now enjoy as^it'zons of the j>o\viti'u1 
republic o^he, United States." Hut 
these restraints were removed and 
Statp^sovereignty perfected. 

3a$ social and 

juiie that was 

lined, every 

hide, every 

bdin its growth 

irity, so that lit Centered into 

"sr, and deriiqnstrated itself 

)f civilized 'humanity before 

a necessary political prin- 

A ft er- 

as practically applied during the colo- maifds it formed, or rather undertook to 
nial era was often perverted. Bu^Torm, a "more perfect Union." liigid 
even its abuses were overruled "for restraints were imposed on that "mor" 



perfect Union;" checks and balances 
provided ; a Senate of State Sovereign- 
ties organized ; bu+ despite of all, the 
oiie distinctive, paramount, gn^iden- 
tial idea of American thoughtJbiB pro- 
gress waa near being cruslsfc' . ; f!y de- 
parting from the type of jturopean 
civilization, viz : Local SoverSgnty and 
Balance of Power ; and, in rts stead, 
adopting the type of Asiatic civiliza- 
• tion, viz : Magnitude of Empire, and 
Conx'diilation of Power. But the slow 
process of a return to original and 
philosophical principles soon com- 
menced. First came the "Missouri 
Compromise," laying a solid bar, stron- 
ger than iron, betwe-.u me tv/o con- 
tending sections with their inherited co- 
lonial peculiarities, and engraving on it, 
that the United States were two peo- 
ples, moving in diverging directions. 
Then came "Internal Improvements," 
widening yet more the breach. Then. 
followed the destruction of the United' 
a most vital step in pre- 
the separation of 
sj.'by degrees, the 
:pn. .Sec 

in '.to" 

iea. , -Bouse: 
[ Puritan .de ; 
|ect; ideal 
Id never ■■■■ti 
t^iiptotf. Puritanism bad 
•.itJi.ous forms of character. 

sjgfclter and promote the well being of 
«frk subjects, not by undertaking the 
offices of a paternal government, nor 
by artificial legislation in behalf of 
trade, but by respecting Providential 
Laws, as ordained in soil, climate and 
physical relations, and leaving indus- 
try and commerce to their own in- 
stincts. Whenever this end is consul- 
ted in the policy of a nation, the end 
itself becomes a means to another and 
wider end, the temporal welfare of 
mankind. Agreeably to this law, na- 
tions are local systems of Providence, 
subordinate to that economy of Provi- 
dence which embraces the worH < id 
its iah»bitaats 

Statesmanship is the interpreter of 
these Providential Laws. It is the 
organ through which Providence makes 
known its will. Not unfrequem'y it 
falls far short of its divine purpose, 
'substituting its factitious plai.s for the 
indications of a higher wisdom, perv-r- 
tiug the freedom of nature ty xmitow 
restrictions, exhausting its affluence to 
feed the exchequer of sordidness, and 
thus ■"ii-.gradmg its high office into a 
selfish art. But its ideal is that of a 
Providential Ministry which ex-v.v ntes, 
without fear or distrust, those ear <uih1 
law:, that G> d himself has osdained, 
These laws it cannot make nor ui^.^ke. 
Its sole utility consists hi administer- 
ing them, subject, to thoH* considera- 
tions of expediency which respect time 
and circum.itauc& in .all legislative 

were thoroughly unlike, measures. Political economy is 

and Hale were foreigners to 

f-;ioh o7\er; Yale arid Hwrvaid -.verc- 

pirated by one abyss. But the true 

'HsH.ioter at last emerged he- 
ir! T t V,/- -•• -d ii'-.lf ir- 

mg more 


di fixation 


aws — a science that tea<'!ie> 
Providence means in the facts i 
climate and products ; in the d> 





is ions 

- \> 

Tlv work was done piS ».. r bL ;.;5.i South j another. 
V'i : :ed. *- ' Nt i A th'-i-jhtfu^ ■>'.■':!>! . con*ercvp!-'?ir)g 

_„ _ \ '''■>;•!*•.. 

V "Q 



selfish commerce, must submrWllfe- ] 
neficent beyond computation, thwfe t 
myriad forces, near and remote, palpa- 
ble and subtle, copious and restricted, 
are everywhere working with serene, 
emnipotent energy to improve the earth 
as man's habitation, and to improve 
man himself for closer compamonship 
with God. No miracles are herp. But 
the. miracle is, that society can be 
sustained without the direct interven- 
tion of Jehovah. A daily table is 
spread around the globe ; every hour 
threads are spun for clothing that 
would reach thousands of miles ; every 
year, cotton and wo f Wi acid another 
skin to th>; human ji <;*'. and lvcip lo- 
cate the functions of animal life ; the 
vast volumes of heat which nature 
stored up ages since in her magazines 
are liberated ; the sunbeams that never 
shone on mortal eye, but silently de- 
scended with ancient forests into their 
awaiting receptacles, are set free from 
their subterranean confinement and 
gladden the homes of millions ; iron, 
copper, lead, bring back eras past to 
enrich the present age ; steam multi- 
plies and expands human power t'ill it 
st ikes the verge of omnipotence ; de- 
fects m one c \ iate are compensated 
bv superabundant, advantage's in an- 
other ; Europe finds its couutorpaet in 
America, and America its complement 
in Asia ; all c<> operating, all combi- 
ning, so that the race as one vast hu- 
man beino; may be fed, clothed, warm- 
ed, sheltered, trained, educated, civil- 
ized, christianized. 

But, furthermore, these Providential 
Laws are as solemn as sublime, a.; 
stem a? truthful. Merciful when obey- 
ed, yield ; ii!> - f"he'"'' ■»r>..>^iy>nt bles'sr-i'r ■ 

aroutid and no profane >e«t may tram- l'io it those hoMHjoy- -, which, in dis- 

plo upon them. They tole"-afe no com- ! ;'!:.;>th <- a niallfeonfcjie. euioire, ml as- 
! v'isiii-i.; - i i'ay i'oi giv; ■■ i'-'S. i>oi : nn. ! <:iai: ->\^^'\A'\.] ' - i hri ■, in !<.■. 
"•■-.-•"■ .j,o< !>t ■.:•< 'it -it'Ah tttf!- ' ', ■ ■ v ' : • -.. ■»! ■ in." 

Viewed in the light of these truths 
your position, fellow-countrymen, is a 
stewardship of immeasurable responsi- 
It is a stewards hi p*of political 
which, bequeathed by the 
8 the sanctity of venerable 
on. your hearts. In these doc- 
u profess the sovereignty of 
an, and the essential brother- 
hood of the human family. Aside from 
this fact, you have a stewardship of 
industry and trade which unite you to 
tne rest of the world. The great str. 
pie which yqu^ produce, is one of the 
winders of "modern labor, and it has 
done mure to revolutionize the rela- 
tions of labor and capital, to e.--':-u ■ ;.i 
new and salutary connections between 
agriculture and commerce than any 
other single .agency in our age. Nor 
is this all. To give full efficiency tor 
your political principles ; to put your 
cherished creed of Republicanism iu- 
completer practice ; to command your 
own energies so .long crai;.ped mid 
confined ; to elevate your mdu^-y ey 
fraternizing more freely with mankind; 
you wisej^a^p-ara^gd from that scheme 


valor ennobled, 

ed. By this aet 

ainst '' : ■ 

eignty. is. iucdp: 

ects rebel ; so', i 


lie jof 

, u.. . v i'L'VJfns 

nevertheless, it was tm 

mentous significance, 



iw .-.>ii I tell y >■ tlia/ria this 
measure, you consecrated yaunfelves, 
feliov,'- country men, io the sutflijfc wore 
which Providence had camrptted to 
your- hands. The midnight /aerament 
of blood witnesses the jfresence r>f 


d... ).r- 

1 I (! '{ ) - 



■ / ' 




elect discipleship yet continues ; 
and the deepening gloom shuts us more 
closely, in unwhispered awe, within 
the shadows of the infinite. Buttery 



sacrament Las its Judas. Not, 
a Judas in flesh and blood, a 
scowl upon the sentiment that 
its box of precious ointment, 
to sell his Christ for thirty pieces of 
silver. The open, deliberate, avari- 
cious Judas is not the man to be 
feared. But the insidious Judas that 
stealthily treads his way into all our 
hearts when least suspected — the un- 
conscious Judas that strips a cause of 
its high sacredness, and sensualizes it 
to unworthy ends — the Judas that 
looks upon a grand revolution in the 
sordid aspect of dollars and cents, and 
is blind to its divinest aims ; this is 

te Judas that every great Providen- 
al movement has to dread. Never 
was there a revolution that, at some 
Stage of its progress, was not perver- 
ted ; and, let me impress upon you 
that it is by resisting these tendencies 
to abuse, far more than by their origi- 
nal energy, that revolutions achieve 
their most enduring results. 

Our withdrawal from the Union, was 

the effect of Providential cai 
no human agency was cbrripi 
resist. Sagacity expected if. 


!Bt to 
did its utmost to prevent it. ^^B?acity 
warned, pleaded, remonstraflM* com- 
promised, preached, prayed, fasted, 
wept, t* arrest the event. It uttered 
its majestic voice in the farewell ad- 
dress qf Washington. It repeated its 
tones or. pathos in the language of 
Webster, Cl-ay, aDd Calhoun. Channing, 
Thorn well, "Breckinridge, Adams, Hop- 
kins, Fuller, Pierce, leading divines in 
their respective churches, foresaw the 
danger, and interceded to avert it. 
Never were so. rsanjl arts of states- 
manship, logic, interest', employed for 
any end as the pe^^^uation of the 
Union. But the course of^vents rolled 
on ; every year the tide grew fuller, 
broader, darker ; every, year added 
fresh tributaries to its sweeping, '-surg- 

until at fast 

all boundaries 

Alps went 

ing, swollen momentum 
all barriers gave way, 
yielded, and the 



dojtn fceneath the victorious deluge. 

#It was a Providential decree. None 
could withstand it. Providence gave 
us fair warning that it would come. 
Few heeded the warning. A magnifi- 
cent empire, stretching from Atlantic 
to Pacific, and covering the length of 
the continent ; an empire that should 
be a world in itself, and still more, a 
world by itself ; an empire that should 
multiply the original diversities of soil, 
climate, productions, and intensify the 
essential dissimilarity between races, 
temperaments and local institutions, 
while it reconciled all inherent antago- 
nisms ; such an empire was the dream 
of our statesmanship. But our states- 
manship forgot that the laws of civili- 
zation are stronger than the laws of 
Government. The former dictate the 
policy of the latter ; the former are 
elemental forces, the latter executive 
powers ; the one proceeds from God, 
the other from men ; the one like God 
are mighty and eternal, the other like 
men, short-lived and transient. Such 
a dream was in conflict with all' the 
historic and traditional wisdom of the 
past.' No logic of principles, no analy- 
sis of the philosophy of Government, 
no parallelisms of facts, none of the in- 
stinctive tendencies of industry and 
commerce,, none of the international 
relations of the Western hemisphere 
could have inspired such a dream. 
Could this dream have been realized, 
it would have been realized by the de- 
velopment of a homogeneousness that 

would have proved fatal to all freedom 
of growth, catholicity of sentiment and 
fraternity of industry, politics, society, 

But this ideality of empire was a 
splendid conception, and, like all great 
ideals, had most beneficent uses. It 
held us together until the fulness of 
time had come, and the principle of 
local sovereignty, subjected to long- 
and instructive discipline, had been 
fitted to enter upon its work of rear- 
ing a series of nationalities that should 
embody the diversified civilizations of 


the continent. The ilii i n ithwiji nl 
necessarily to assume shape, distfcct- 
ness and vigor, before the process*^ 
disintegration could safely commence. 
A premature government, assuming to 
put itself in the van of civilization, 
is always, a miscarriage. The womb 
of time has its fixed periods of gesta- 
tion, and men cannot hurry them. Hap- 
pily for the welfare of the hemisphere,- 
the act of separation was delayed until 
the whole question of secession had 
passed from the uncertain ground of 
arguments to the solid ground of pal- 
pable facts. If we had left the Union 
on a logical deduction, on a govern- 
mental theory, on a prospective hypo- 
thesis, there, would have been room to 
fear that the conclusions might not 
sustain the premises. Logic is the 
Worst of revolutionizes. Heaven never 
entrusts a great cause to processes of 
reasoning. Facts are the only author- 
ised reformers. Luther, Hampden, 
Cromwell, Washington, Napoleon, are 
simply other names for facts. 

-The wisdom of Providence in post- 
poning this separation until certain 
interests in the Union had divided and 
made the experiment of sectional inde- 
pendence is- a striking point in the 
history gf this struggle. The prepara- 
tory trial of the safety, utility and pro- 
priety of disintegration was ordained 
of God, so that in the clear light of its 
results, we might advance to our po- 
litical future without apprehensions. 
Several illustrations are at command, 
but we select only one, which, from the 
magnitude of the issues involved, will 
place the argument fully before the 
reader. We allude to the division in 
the Baptist and Methodist Episcopal 
Churches. In the case of the Baptist 
Church, it was a rupture of general 
relations which existed for benevolent 
objects in the form of convention. In 
the case of the M. E. Church it was 
a rupture in the highest- legislative 
body of the Church, and hence was or- 
ganic. The separation proved of in- 
calculable benefit to both these parties. 
The increase of their membership ; the 
quickening impulse given to publish- 
ing interests, to education, to mission- 

ary work ; the augmentation of mone- 
tary receipts for benevolent objects ; 
opened a new aud wonderful era in 
their operations. The divine blessing 
followed the separation ; and thus the 
finger of Providence, pointing to that 
result, showed us the futurity which 
political separation would secure. 

Looking, then, at the Union as an 
initial system for the organization of 
American society, it was most admira- 
bly adapted to accomplish its end. it 
created a safeguard for liberty. It 
checked the tendencies to excessive 
individualisirt, and generated a specific 
style of character, which, however 
rude and gross in certain .aspects, yet 
afforded the energetic materials for a 
subsequent process of refinement. Im- 
pulse and imaginative activity are 
essential to the first stages of national 
life ; but, as we had no feudalism, no 
chivalry, no crusades, no El Doradoes, 
to furnish this pabulum of lusty growth 
and exuberant vigor, the enthusiasm 
of a grand empire, holding half a hem- 
isphere in its grasp, supplied the need- 
ed nectar to ..this modern Jupiter. Its 
wqjsk :{,perficted, its volcanic musclfe 
embodied iqj ir<|n, its finer ideals sculp- 
titjj|p<l^ia litarble, the great Union 
p$ii<jP%way But, in no sense was it 
a faferss It did precisely and com 

livedBfa three-score and ten, and then 
expirew^by the divine statute of limita 
tion. Had it attained "four-s^re i/cays" 
its "strength" would have beei* "labor 
and sorrow " And hence, v/heti it ter- 
minated its existence, it hadJprepared 
the way for a more noble ^nd perma- 
nent economy of political society. Un- 
consciously to itself, thjTuigh all the 
periods of its wonderful existence, in 
all its phases of fortudl, in its acquisi- 
tions of territupy, jm. its internal con- 
flicts, in its tu^napTis, in its deleals, it 
had been slowlpbut steadily working 
out for the J^rth, for the South, for 
Indiana, J^f Texas, for California, a 
simpler 4tnd stronger principle of Ameri- 
can government and denization. Wo 
§*y, unconsciously. The sublimest 
workers are always unconscious of 
their work. If they knew what they 



did, logic wouM enervate inspiration 
while godlike energies would expire 
in mortal imbecility. 


One of the necessary effects of the 
Federal Union was to afford the respec- 
tive States a full opportunity for self- 
development. If the common trust- 
agent superintended their foreign 
affairs, and performed other offices of 
general utility, it must be obvious that 
under such a system, local sovereignty 
would have ample room to expand in 
the sphere, reserved to its own activi- 
ty U.vhn, t^ie-eot ", , was :im Ughee* 
antecedent to Disunion. But no sane 
man can regard disunion as an end in 
itself Therefore, we urge that Disun- 
ion is the antecedent to bnity. Unity 
is es&eutially different from union 
The < :e is inward ; the other outward 
The former springs from common s-m. 
irmmts ami aims; the latter fiom 
con.; - 'i r-HaMOij-* to the same o.(j-m>. 
The one rests on the sympathy which 
flows from iudividualit 
from society. Unity is consist^; 
the largest diversity ;jj^f$(tt 
tent. Unit)? adjusts'" and 
d s si mil 


them. U 

elements; union 
iiitj 1,4. (he principle 
a-a-socee ion j union is the law 
connect' a-j. If this ana!; -sis 
ir i<* easy to perceive th-tf the*Bisr;ip- 
tioii ot the American Union was an 
important step in the advancing march 
of Western civilization. Their term of 
childhood ended, their age of manhood 
dawning, the States have commenced 
the vast work of distributing teem- 

Se;yeT. ee-o *m"W vrej e e ' ^m.v e. ■ 1 - - 

maJMiiprits acorns by the ^sarne laws 
th0pW matures itself, then scatters 
tHern over the earth, and, in following 
years sees a continent of oaks, like it 
in prolific vitality ; like it in majestic 
size, its welcome companions, its gonial 
fellows, its proud descendants. Such 
an oak was the American Union, and 
such a destiny is reserved for its ap- 
proaching years. 

"E Pluribus Unum" must now be 
rewritten. It is no more "One of 
Many, 7 '' but "Many of One." Ttie same 
causes that made the South outgrow 
the limitations of the Union ; the same 
imperative discipline of sectional oir- 
Ce,',;- rj.'O^s , the .am ; : awakening of 
intellect and energy, are at work, and 
cannot be repressed. Like continental 
forces that upheave a world from the 
deep, they will exert their might and 
crush all resistance. Whoever plants 
a hostile front in their way, airays 
himself against the inward march of 
e.;v''i?;-.ifion. Whoever ■/ -f^nlcn mith. 
n:;s ^.mighty 'God. 
the maugura' of 

of One" is 

i lli'-;i 

the new dispensat on. i>Jeralism on 
a vast scale is an obsolete thing*. In- 
ceigre us with the spirit of tin emo- 
te nt I i eentut-y, adverse to the law of 
progress, the creed of au er.j.- : .ed con- 
servatism, it cannot interpose its puny 
power in the conflict which to-day 
wages with yesterday in behalf of to- 
morrow Suppose that Federalism 
obliterate all State lines. Can it ob- 
literate the stubborn facts that State 
lines represent ? Can it crush the wild 
energy of the Northwest ? Can it turn 
the face of California from Asia '? In- 
stincts are sovereign. Men *■■:; "bey 

■- :, \ '■ . ... i ' ., <. . ... i. c a. ■ ■ s, . t Hie- 

<>wn, no President ^n o!n, this pro- pie of pacification and prosperity must 
■;s ■ f dismemberment cc" ,r1 m>t ! e^-e . hp f ound. ouch a principle. ackVmwl- 

io -.i i ■ ;..- y ^ .i 'v . .-i; .e. ' .,'t (i ;.; ■'■>( "iehf.^ c? each oay'y as 

t •< e .in -i * ''■' . ,, ■■ ■a' , micnt, meel {•' ^.tee 

; ,,,, -■ ~ - .O •...'-. -r ■'■ •■■■< wrech *' ! c-. 



trade of this continent will J>j|down- 
right political madness ThewMtof 
the continent, of its respective sections 
of its complementary interests, are 
stern facts which nature has settled 
once and forever. Bear in mind, that 
the labor and capital of this country 
are already organized in accommoda- 
tion to the laws of physical geography 
and the demands of established mar- 
kets. And, moreover, remember that 
all political legislation, if it have any 
claim to statesmanship must, conform 
to facts and circumstances as they 
exist. All such facts and circumstan- 
ces are the Indices of Providence, 
pointing out the conn---":! for .;u ate-, man 
ship to follow. Looking at this North 
American continent, its peculiar con- 
tour, its simplicity of form, its remark- 
aide inter-relation of parts, its diversi- 
ties as tributary to unity, its capacity 
for localization and its massive com- 
pleteness, any statesman must be 
sinvabvlv Lii* ■■' w^o v, •■■nM &>.'■■ 'cate 
any othet se-r. me of trade than one 
based on perfect reciprocity o f inter-* 
est, and the mo,-,i eberal interpretation 
of the claims r/ nrUual brotherhood. 

Diversity and unity a?'; the two 
pillars of nil continental civilisation. 
You have divorced diversity and union, 
and high. Heaven is ratifying the act 
as final by sealing it with blood. The 
great problem now is to adjust the 
claims of diversity and unity I repent 
it to you, these are the pillars of 
continental civilization. Without them 
Europe would not be Europe. With 
th""i, America can be America, a far 
wiser, better, more peaceful and pros- 
P' .-on - America than evm '-ofm- The 


in the throes of its birth, 'is about to 
offer you this principle of conciliation 
and fraternity, let me warn. you that it 
only can give a determinate shape to 
the prospective and conjoint civiliza- 
tion of our continent. 

Standing at the mouth of the Ohio, 
let us survey the far-reaching land- 
scape, which is now occupied by the 
United States and the Confederate 
States. The mountain chain, running 
nearly through its length, and shaping 
itse'f so as to repeat the coast line of 
the Atlantic, leaves the country open 
from North to South. Like a huge 
back-bone, it braces the ribs of r ime« 
roily States, uirough which it passes. 
All along its slopes it contains metaiic 
and mineral treasures, which are sus- 
ceptible of easy distribution. Placed 
between the Atlantic and the Missis- 
sippi, it extends its advantages ••■oh 
equal liberality to the industry ...<;d 
trade which border the ocean or foil .-,v 
the great river. Our fiin line .f 
colonization was tiie Atlantic coast*; 
our second, the Mississippi, each fob- 
lowing the same continental din etmn, 
and Ursmehing to these n. im/mins as 


\sia thi 

in junctio; 
ranges insulat. 
&er. China and Indi; .^e 
foreigners to each ..-tiier i>y 
those immense rid pes which 
sepmpte sections of the Fast by im- 
passa^hle barriers But on this hemis- 
phere, an opposite law prevails The 
'mountains unite and bind together the 
physical and industrial \uten-yts which 
belong to the Fish-., an# Western 
divisions, while tlmv sufc icntly diver- 
sify them for rr viv-io-.-l V-uent. But 

H- 1 ]'o *!>(■ V ' i. I'.' ' l^f'S. in ' t' 

fill ati i?^;- :e ^. ... ,' (j ^ i- . . j.-j.. j.t i.-- i* - j lh. ..! ash-.-«j|jh. * ^ 1'' v: 

principle of catholicity, of strength, | related m al^ts parts, ner does the 
sec"" if v ami pe;ve. T v. has eest the [ world pv ■ ,^/ft as -.triVing an in. im -e 
r/"il'n 'More ':r .mre, more w.etc; ■.' 1 o 1 " e!i\-._ -v*v a.-. •; >!. '' ''' ! "' /• 

:■ icliii' •■ ^ |f ' v cr ' '' ■■ v' 1 '' 'met, 

m ''o oioo'O X! 

t. ■ if >■■• ;, n'\. 

... i I'll' 10 W 1 a i'f i ; 1 (K! f>< 
, le!! 1 .ij'Vi; !' . ,S I'^t'tiilf ■ lino 'J 

.1 Ci!V i ' ," 
IR , Ot 



zation, and the inseparable connection 
thus established between the industry 
of all its sections. The second is the 
repetition of this Northern and South' 
era connection on the Mississippi and 
its tributaries. The third is the lines 
of trade extending from the Mississippi 
Valley to the Atlantic coast. Whether, 
then, we trace the arteries of civiliza^ 
tion in the direction of latitude or 
longitude, the same fact meets us, viz : 

Certain it is, inflexibly and inexora- 
bly certain, that some substitute must 
be had for the Federal scheme of 
Union. The process of dismemberment 
must continue until the constituent 
parts of the United States, liberated 
from the destructive agencies which 
Mr. Lincoln, not our secession, has 
developed among them, shall be driven, 
as a measure of self-protection, to 
organize themselves either in national, 
ities or in confederacies. Whether we 
contemplate Federalism in its capacity 
during peace for unjust legislation, 
corrupt patronage, and the terrible 
sway of numerical majorities, or in its 
capacity during war for consolidation, 
tyranny and brutality, our minds can- 
not evade, cannot suspend^* cipfljbt 
even palliate the conclusion thatjit is 
irreconcileable with local libertyrand 
local institutions, whenever they ex~ 
panel themselves over a broadband 
diversified surface. The practical re 
alizatioh of this truth is only a matter 
of time. But, meanwhile, all sections 
of the country ought to see that a plan 
of contiitental unity, such as shall 
acknowledge the independence of each 
nationality or confederacy, and secure 
the free intercommunity of trade and 
commerce, will give the benefits with- 
out the evils of union. Passion and 
prejudice may obscure for the present 
this truth, but its tinaktriumph depends 
no more than the revolution of the 
globe on any human contingencies. 


Whenever a revolutionary movement propo- 
ses to change the institutions of a community, 
its iJtjfis and measures are amenable, no less 
than its means and instruments, to those laws 

which ^rgjprganic in the" scheme of Providence 
as allied to human society. Ours is not, 
stri«ly'.*speaking, a revolution. No element 
necessarily disturbing existed in the act of 
withdrawal from the Union. Lrke a partner 
retiring from a mercantile firm, whose business 
still continues, we simply resumed our original 
sovereignty, leaving the United States to main- 
tain the offices of government within its own 
limits, and agreeably to itg specific functions 
The revolutionary sentiment which has so vi- 
tally affected the progress of this movement, ori- 
ginated with our enemies, who, in their sr.range 
hallucinations, made secession the occasion for 
revolution. Taken in all its connexions pre- 
sent and prospective — thi3 fact is- a political 
anomaly that no statesman can explain on any 
accepted piinciple of human government. Bat 
this aside. The great factwith which we are 
dealing is, that we have asseited our independ- 
ence. By this act we severed onr relations to 
a political system which had proved adverse 
to our best interests. By this act we present- 
ed ourselves before the world as a candidate 
for admission into the family of nations. By 
this act we pledged ourselves to the weltare of 
mankind, bringing our distinctive ideas, indus- 
try, resources, usages and institutions into the 
common stock of humanity. By this act we 
declared that whatever was local should not be 
exaggerated into an international injury ; that 
whatever was peculiar to us as a people should 
work no serious detriment to the other branch- 
es of the world's vast household ; and that 
while we employed our own agencies in the 
development of our resources, and held our 
own convictions without any control but tiuth 
and any restrictions but a moral sense of expe 
diency, we wouid advance to the extent of our 
ability, the peace and prosperity of all peooie. 
Let us see how fer these promises, made in our 
covenant with Providence, and proclaimed, 
furthermore, to the world, have been redeemed, 
or rather, how far we hive given indications of 
their redemption. 

Fellow- countrymen, the hours that now dar- 
ken for us the dial^plate of time with their 
infinite shadows are too full of sadness and 
sorrow for any indulgence in carping criticism. 
Heartless must that man b ■■ who, amid the 
sanctities of grief now resting upon our dear 
land, could profane the teadernesi of such an 
occision by harsh censures and sharp de- 
nunciations. The hallowing .breath of God is 
in that wail of mourning which now rises over 
thousands of graves, and from homes sadder 
than graves, and which recites, in the litany of 
breaking hearts, three years of carnage and 
anguish. Apart from this, the struggles' of our 
great and gond men in the offices of statesman- 
ship -their fidelity to sacred trusts-tbeir con- 
stancy o", heroism under superhuman pressure, 
demand an appreciation at our bands, tfeat no 
words of mine can fitly express. Yet truth is 
consistent with kindness ana charity, nor is it 
ever so truthful as when the affections of the 
heart strengthen, and sanctify the logical de- 
ductions of the understanding. No man \of 
defective sensibilities can ever see a great 



truth in its entire scope"; and hence, if we 
would reach just and abiding conclusions, we 
must attain ttiem quite as much thlb^jji the 
emotions as through the intellect. "-!.k 

FirBt, let me say, that our style of thinking 
during the pendency of this struggle has been 
too low, too sordid, too sensual, for the grand 
issues involved. So far from our thoughts and 
impulses being commensurate with the sublim- 
ity of our position as the conservators of 
American liberty, and the standard-bearers of 
a new and mora patent civilization, we have 
been content to consider tb« stru gle as a mere 
conflict with the Federal arms. FoigettiDg that 
high conceptions of our mission to the nations 
are necessary precursors to deeds of splendid 
valor, forgetting that the achieving braio is the 
herald of the achieving hand, forgetting that a 
people's acts never exceed the measure of 
tbeir ideas ; still more, forgetting that Provi- 
dence signals its first presence among a com - 
munity by the sentiments and corresponding 
impulses which it communicates ere it forms 
their exploits to lofty ideals ; forgetting all 
these, <?e have degraded our cause by regard- 
ing it mainly or altogether in the light of a 
resistance to the avaricous lust and ferocious 
hate of our enemies. I would not have you to 
contemplate it chiefly in that aspect, iiuch an 
aspect, solemn beyond description, it has, but 
not that onl : . I would not bave you lower 
yourselves by placing your manhood in con- 
trast with the fanatics who hunger and thirst 
for your ruin. 

Nor should you imagine that the paramout 
issue in this conflict is property. That is an issue 
but not the greatest. The real question involv- 
ed is your manhood, and the chieftainship ot 
that manhood in protecting American liberty. 
On you and your arms, hang the destinies of 
Ibis continent, and no inferior aim c<tn confer 
upon your'achievements that-resplendent lurste 
to which they are entitled. Property uevt r 
made a grand revolution. It never undertook 
one that it did not sensualize its spirit, auti 
curse its subjects. Already it has debauch* d 
scores of our brethren, who once followed the 
eagle in his flight, but now attend the buzzard 
in nis search. Step by step, year by year, 
causes beyond human control have been stead- 
ily advancing this revolution to that high 
grouud whicn it was destined to occupy. Step 
by step, year by year, all secondary elements 
have been more or less eliminated Irom the san- 
guinary debate, until at las* the naked alterna- 
tive of manhood or extermination is only offer- 
ed. Believing that the Federal despotism must 
trample on the liberties of its own people just 
in the same ratio that it advances on ours, I 
look for (he time to arrive when the downcast 
and down-trodden of the United States will 
hail you as their benefactors and allies in 
crushing a tyranny that is hastening to its 
overthrow. You cannot fight this battle for 
yourBelf alone. Providence shapes the issue 
for itself. Despite of our immediate purposes, 
(in themselves honorable and noble.) its om- 
niscience is guiding our "s eps into something 
grander than a sectional triumph. Ours, there- 

fore, is a sublime attitude. It is the attitude of 
men who should be raised infinitely above all 
mercenary considerations ; who should sink 
self and selfishness in a- cause so transuenrlent- 
ly glorious ; and who, discharging from their 
aiinds all other irnpiessions, should think of 
nolhing but fighting or oying. Conscious of 
girding on the sword of the Almighty for no 
ambiiiou3 ends ; claiming nothing but what his 
title has conveyed as your inheritance ; your 
sacred position is at the side of that Supreme 
Presence, whence you mny survey the fearlul 
magnitude ot that ministry which has been con- 
fided to your hands. You are not merely 
Southern heroes but American heroes ; and as 
iu the olden time, the Ark was removed fiom 
the Tabernacle into the temple, so, by your 
agency, if laithfully executed, the true aik of 
American freedom will pats from the tempora- 
ry tabernacle which it occupied, and find a 
permanent resting-place in that temple of 
which you are called to be the architects. 

But have s we this spjrit, my. countrymen ? 
Forgive me it I wrong you. Forgive me it I 
seem to wrong you. But it would setm that 
our policy has aimed at repeating a civilizuion 
that has ended its career a;id departed, railier 
than initiating a new, broader, bettei system. 
Vain, absurdly vain is it tor us to eLdeavur 
to be a Southern United States. We cannot 
reproduce xtinct ideas. But we must devel- 
ope sentiments out of cmr own high instincts — 
sentiments which catching the spirit of the age, 
and reflecting upon the world the true meaning; 
of our wonderful position, shall he aggressive 
upon the mind of the whole American people. 1 
do not mean, aggressive arms. I mean that we 
are to stand for that political philosophy which 
is dictated by the peculiar circumstances of 
this struggle, and enforced as great truths 
ne%erlwere upon our assent and acceptance. 
Reconstruction is banished from the arena of 
discussion as an odious thing. It, is with Bene- 
dict ^rnold in his grave; but. while this is true, 
let us,. not forget that reproduction is next akin 
to reconstruction. We want no Washington 
city doctrines or dogmas. We want men who, 
like Sir Robert Peel, will undo what bad legis- 
lation had previously done. A thorough re- 
form in ideas is the consummation, to ue de - 
sired. Men who like Ricaido can^p regenerate 
ideas— men lika Andrew Jackson, who can re- 
store a fact to the place where it belongs -men 
who caa put the Confederacy abreast with-the 
age and inflame its mighty heart with the iru- 
p .lses rushing towards its Iresh, young blood — 
these are the men we need for such momen- 
tous times. 

Our statesmanship has not yet expanded 
itself to the uieasupe of its opportunities. It 
has not raised itsetf to the 'height ot this great 
argument." Agrfn aHd again, it hss confessed 
its surprise at the magnitude this struggle has 
assumed, but a statesman, like a general, should 
never be surprised. It ha lacks sagacity he 
laoks the sum and substance of statesmanship. 
Anybody can see ; to foresee is statesmanship 
The demagogue is the ephemeral insect of the 
hour ; the politician is the creature of the pa»- 



imr day ; the statesman is the prophet of the 
future. Edmund Bii'ke was such a prophet. 
S'i were Luther Martin. Patrick Henry, and 
Mason To read contingencies, as comuon 
minds read the uniform 1 ws of nature ; to 
combine chances with the regularity of e-r.Hb- 
lisbed sequences ; to .see where exceptional 
agencies intersect the lines along which ordi- 
nary events travel ; to calculate the deflections 
of the compass, and pilot the ship of State 
accordingly ; this, and this only, is true states- 
manship. But the scroll of coming events 
which our old prophets were wont to read is 
nov. a modern newspaper. Nor is fcbis strafe. 
Our statesmen ar« not to blame for it, because 
the people will not have it otherwise. Seeing 
is !<3 much a maiter of the atmosphere as of, 
the unghiae. Our American political atmos 
ptoere is full of popular exhalations, and as 
foggy as the banks of Newrouodland. If a 
great light emerge above the common bor;zon 
of intellect, the dusty, sooty air straightway 
distaites passage, and the red ray only reaches 
the earth. The people. I repeat, are to biame 
for i'.. A great people never fail to produce 
great statesmen. A vast continent must have 
Vast mountains, and by a paraleljisin of law, a 
coble comtHOQWwiltb embodies its intuitions, 
y. iirnifgs. asairations, in noble statesmen. But 
we. ia imitation of cheap art, mould our figures 
in pla.-ser wuen the marble invites the sculp, u- 

:» -fling s f a : ,t:amen 

Our zvi:b^ 
t ..eculiiif t-. 
*a too ofien 

,. ro-e '■■■ 
*;iV fyiih-'V a^a, 


vv e 


:St, IP' 


MojS of ta>. fuVOlU- 

lationa; law? 

&.V< ■ la' oh'Oige 

a: ■>> aaa ! i!, the gross defeats ia that higSfrBfuud 
id/ system had made themselves apparfliu to 
the eyes of Christendom. Again and ag^n its 
oii---..j -r>n< j ss its i;agm«ntary traditioiW, its 
versatile maxims, its flagrant wrongs, had been 
displayed. Nothing seemed wanti: g but a stri- 
king occasion, one adequate to enlist the syra 
yittiies of the world, to accomplish a radcil 
ivo-rn i'j this important code. It was not in 
coniiji mity with the spiri* of the age -not iden- 
tical with the unwritten creed of universal 
himv-or.ty not based on principles broad as 
t';:e siutace of the globe, and sacred as the 
hear;. <m philanthropic brotherhood. Nor could 
mi* s-tiite of things be. avoided. Within a few 
veal's nations bav« made unprecedented advan- 
ce \a ihe variety, extent and intimacy of their 
inter relations. N-w problems have offered 
fb( •■ms^iv-es for solution. The capacity of b l- 
ligei-eijss to injure each other has been vastly 
augmented, and the liability of neutrals to 
differ from war -a liability founded on defer- 
ence to combanants -has been likewise in- 
creased. Aimost the whole surface of society 
has chs-ng ■■'. witsin the nineteenth century; 
an i -,j .^r-. fly an international system 
f ■' " ; )t( j a to u.e ,5-'St, needed adjustf.eit to the 
pri-e :.;. So far as can be seen, this occasion 

has been lost, or, at least, suspended, and we 
have ourselves to censure for it. 

Freest* .e is destined to reconstruct interna- 
tional- law The freedom of the seas, wbic^i is 
oue 6f the cardinal facts in international l^w, 
is no truer or grander a principle than the 
freedom of the continents. Nations as such 
have jurisdiction ovr their own soil, while the 
oceans are c >mtn ,n property. The right of 
the sea inheres in man as mm, but viewed ia a 
broad moial light, there is no more nationality 
in pro luction and distribution than nationality 
in the sea. If France trad« witii ifrglaod by 
the ex h <nge -of certai» articles, each wishes to 
obtain trom the other, the seal featu e of the 
transaction is one sectio* t»f the earth supply- 
ing another. If an Americas buvof a German, 
it is not as America* and .jrerman that ihey 
transact business, but as one citizen of the 
globe purchasing ,of another. . Nationality has 
no natural connection with trade and join- 
merce, as it r-gatds prescribing conditions, 
under ^vb'Cb they may occur. Moreov'e , no 
nations can assume a more arrogant and peint- 
cious,power than to determine the terms that 
shall govern interchange of commodities. If 
let alone, the ooratnodties will, intern*) juuafze 
themselves. But nations are slow to discern, 
that a liberal and enlightened jolcy is fqually 
a tribute to their own sagacity and the wi>d m 
of otheis ; and the last foliy wninfl tuey yie d is 
the toliy of .treami'ig that they can 

i !-ji»"'Qof their ;"!e<ahOO''S. file ,ihj-"_> o! com- 
m-'ic - ■• to tqr-iiiz;- the pn due's ■>':' ib- ear' i) ; 
o- ■■■ ■■■■•■•■.o i m <i->iapi'm*''"i"* : >' e^opo'V-.^ ., llc ; 
. - ,: ; ■■■ k? MV-nli'i.t.: ■;■• :r.4M''i ev ul 

■ ■• • ■ ■ iezatioo ; hii ; j ..■■' i.i ;. .; ; ; :ei t-ei'i as 
.-.':■■' . -i,;'ic)e.! *!jr v " ■!■ ••,■ ,-;re thw,j<- .—I, 
tl-i..: ?■' ' - >*<■■ 't-'jT.S- -i.l,5:- r, f,- i\: - .•■■"( o'- -"i;. 1 ..eij:, 

i-i:i_ :-:< :, "stiea K3eit, t .: > id t:,,;- ri a:rsr: f ei ; 
loi,g ■»;•-'.:,, se pl'cgress oi biiih i.'.ity. 

VV« heid a e -eat pow>r iu our gra=p in the 
shape of eoftoa. i and we turned the power 
as'.iinst oi) ,, sej"f:-',. Socl. laniity would orrl.-ns- 
rily r> qt'ii". (iitH fhr ij^pos.ts o! mud at i r .ie 
mouth of file MisM.sipiu. some centuries for its 
development, but we efif'Cted it witn incredible 
dispatch. The leading staple of our industry, 
cotton, internationalized our trade. It Din us 
in alliance with Europe. No other article. 
known to commerce, had so tuliv, so closely, 
intertwined itself witb toreigi interests. Trie 
hand ot the humble African, who toiled in a 
Southern plantation, was the initial of a sedea 
of fellowships, industrial, mechanical, i- ercan- 
tile, com.'nerc al, mt'iiit icr.urirfg, that, te- minu- 
ted in a Vicoria, a N-ipoieon Its wide range, 
trom the common -st osnaburg to the finest lace, 
covered an immense surtace of productive ac- 
tivity, while inventive genius, working tiirough 
Hirgreaves, Arkwright, Orompton, and Whit- 
ney, had probaoly attained its utmost limits in 
perfecting mac h inery to cheape*u its products, 
and lit them for universal use. A man must 
have an atheistic intellect who canntt rer-vq;. 
n'Z* the special best' i.tueat of Provtdeis;; - n 
this mnniflceat gift to i,he South. Nor cat, I 
doubt, that one of the d:vine purposes of ohia 
revolution was to test our capacity to empjOj 



this g>pat trtiBt, in accordance wuh tie ends for 
wbicb God had been pleased to c«nfe£it upon 
our people. The test was applied, f^vf 
failed 10 sustain it. * '*' ; '*i ! 

I' there is a single article in the woild Wat 
contains in itsell all the maxims, principles 
deductions, of political economy that ai tide is 
conon. It there is > ne that presents an uuau 
swerable argument for tree tr^de, it is cotton. 
But we perverted it >rom irs u-*s. We shut it 
Uj) to the service ot our selfishness). VYe put 't 
n' dcr the ban ot the restrictive syst< to. We 
undertook to convert it from a commercial 
power into a politic*! power. U was to be out 
Tallyrand pr> ctistng the arts t a cunning Di 
plotn cy. By its agency we were to ascend 
the Throne of God, se zehis sceptre, and ordain 
a cotton lamine in E gland. Providence is 
sternly retributive. '"With what measure ye 
me e, it shall he measured to you again. Meas 
ure for measure! The policy hurt us worse 
lhi.ii it hurt England. 

Probe any social phenomenon to its heart, 
and you strike a moral t.ict The oral tac in 
this ins 1 mce is simply this, vix : w h-ive been 
utilaithiul 1.0 our political siew«idship. False 
to our position, we have sacrificed our princi- 
ples to caprice; out' vows ate tin'ufliled, a:io 
oik covenant wi>t> ihe brotherhood ot humanitv 
broken. The proud Pharisee thanked God thai 
be wis not an "t-xioi lioner," but bis meagre 
C ■Mp.aceuc- '3 deo'.ed US. A'Aeba t P tld i:i- lite 
!(>( t.i.n w, t'.rr oi Gold, but our Aoh;;i,.-> i-v; 
iii uo^-lratt'-uged respectability. Trie e! <;.o'i;c« 

OT . '-i:'l.!d [>e« "J ■.'.•„• ,jiij;« .Scj.JoCli b.'- 'i'Ji 
I'- -i ,:■',^ L-..lj ti-.l.-dn 10 Ilirii.t >.. !-"■ 
1'f o.i ' e t. . t;.' •! 'i:-..-, .. ;;: J wur-,. 

LoiAfi ,t a- lor fV; that have tbti-« i-:?'-t; 
in eons, rutin: reve . ;A, you c i. :,idly fajj.. 
l/> fee rellow.cos.i 'rymen, that p-.i tiicaitco: 
omy is a nicely balanced Syst m of Company - 
tions, of which Providence is the stern and 
■unrelenting xeeutiv \ Like the machinery 
of a vast clock-wo k, whose wheels, weights, 
pendulum, are so united a^,to feel in all iV 
motio . the disturbance of a sing e part, this 
wonderful schem of checks and balances is 
prompt to repel by means of its complicated 
forces, any inle rupti n of its legitimate ac- 
tivity. A terrible Nemesis is hidden beneath 
its agencies ind from qu rters least expected, 
punishment advances to meet our offences 
Sooner or later, we learn that Providence 
cannot be cheated — that for every wrong 
done a penalty must be paid down, while on 
the oiner side of its inflexible constancy, we 
read the great t uth uttered t y St. Bernard, 
"Nothi g can work me damage except myself; 
the harm that I sustain I carr about with 
«ie, and never am a real sufferer but by my 
own fault." 

If we view the phenomena of this war in a 
broad light we cannot escape the conviction 
that Providence is overruling the issues for 
much vider result* than have been expected. 
It has chastised our errors with sigual deci- 
sion, but the mercy of tuese sevei e inflictions 

already begins to appear. We are realizing 
through the ministry of afflict on tint wt 
cannot stand isolated and alone. We are 
learning that African slavery, entrusted to 
our hands as a divine institution, is an Eu o- 
pean fact as well as an American fact. Wa 
are learning that nations canuot convert 
themselves into Ioejoergs, floating n their 
wayward channels over the ocean. We are 
learning that nations are links in a chain — 
each welded by mightier strokes than the arm 
of statesmansnip can strike — and that along 
that chain girding the globe, the thoughts of 
Providence flash in electric light, .their mo-, 
mentous meaniags. Arrayed gainst us are 
all the agencies that our enemies can sum- 
mon to their aid. But these agencies are 
achieving an end which they have not fore- 
seen. They are driving new wedges of sepa- 
ration through the remaining portions of u e 
old Union. The foremost secessionist of the 
day is President Liicoln, and, all unawares 
to himself and his fanatical party, he is rap- 
idly dismem ering his country. The effort 
to turn the waters of the Mississippi into the 
Erie Canal will bring a deluge ove the North 
i due time. Outrages on private rights 
consolidation and tyranny; will bring their 
recompense; and these laborious efforts to 
twist cables out of sand, and make water 
fl w up hill will provoke 'their reward. Yes 

-['!;• Trii'd if Gtod do slowly wivl, 
j.«'. <-.y *t. last '.op # jw;l^. a.'" ' 

<■■•? ■ . i"u;g, v i- ''-.y . ■•■ . — .t.n, on ?n 
'!•■;. f.'ii. Tii? mo . ■ ■" c j-innto 
. d ct, presenting hither..- "o- p.iria: r.-d 
.....K^ed .JBjpects ..nw begi'ij to < .oti-ge in 
coujiiieteiRss, into the profound;!- .=oious- 
m.:jS of boh sections. Agc,s are '.>■.'.. .■; out- 
i.TOwthipf those special easor.s w'^n God 
oonfroujfc the nations of the earth wiili the 
stern decisions of "His sovereignty. Not unfre- 
quent are those awful oocasions, marked as 
judgment days in the calendar of time, on 
which, eterna ^justice, long robbed of its 
hallowed rights in the humanity it has re- 
deemed, suddenly appears through the part- 
ing firmament on its great white thivne, and 
summons rulers and people to give an ac- 
count of their stewardship. Sue 1 ' an occasion 
has been pending for these three years, and 
indicatians are not wanting that the final 
hearing in 'his majestic court is now about 
to occur. Our dea , our enemies' dead, beve 
risen from their graves to act as witnesses 
in this searching inquisition, add, crowding 
the r d horizon that surrounds the scene of 
trial, they stretch their bloody hands towards 
the judge as mute tokens of remember d an- 
guish. But the arch-angel has not been 
commissioned to place one foot updn the sea, 
and swear that for us, time shall be no 
longer. No such fate awai's us, if we gird 
ourselves for the final crisis now impending. 



Gird ourselves wj will, and bravely meet the 
last, onset of the foe. One more manly resist- 
ance and this accumulating su'ge, gathering 
its waters from two hemispheres will begin 
to roll back upon Northern shores, its muddy 
foam, and its biacker filth. 

I have written these words, fellow-country- 
men, plainly and earnestly, but with the feeN 
ing that no utterance of truth is worth any- 
thing that is not alike tender and bold. The 
faults of our policy ; the errors of principle 
which we have committed ; the occasional 
blunders into which we have fallen^ are due 
*o ourselves, not to our great leaders. I have 
no other than feelings of esteem and admira- 
tion for the statesman who is our Chief Execu- 
tive, and for the other illustrious men who 
are connected with this revolution. But 
while I feel this most profoundly, I feel also 
that Providence has not allowed us hitherto 
to pat forth our full strength in this struggle. 
Our genius for statesmanship, the most 
marked fact in the history of the colonial and 
Federal eras, has not sustained itself. Its 
prestige has not been vindicated ; its splendid 
abilities have been put u ider arrest, denied 
their foresight', denied their easy adequacy to 
the demands of the occasion ; and, amid 
those evils which always descend upon a 
people when Providence withdraws its illu- 
'ininations from their statesmen, we have been 
left to undergo that stern discipline of 
thought and virtue which this revolution 
required as the most vital pre-requisite to 
success. Signs are not wanting that a vast 
change for the better is approaching its con- 
summation. Had we disrupted ourselves 
from political falsehoods" and , jfernicious 
heresies when we severed our connections 
with the Union ; had our statesmen dispensed 
with the necessity of a transition period, and 
passed at once from worn out creeds of politi- 
cal economy into the earnest appreciation of 
those paramount doctrines which are founded 
in international comity ; we should to-day 
have witnessed another state of things in our 
midst. But the severe traiaing is perfecting 
its glad results. Our statesmanship is awak- 
ing to a sense of its true position. The future 
is opening its blessedness, and never did a 
year dawn upon a people with more promise 
than 1864 dawns on the citizens of these 
Confederate States. 

We shall fight this year as we have never 
fought ; and, if Providence so ordain, we 
shall fight on, year after year, until our pur- 
poses are accomplished. la arms we have 

not been uniformly successful, but our cause 
has always been victorious. It has lost 
nothtag. It has gained every day. Stronger 
thjtf hour than ever, it only waits for us°to 
put away our political selfishness, our social 

selfishness, our Confederacy selfishness one 

and all inimical to truth, just ce and charity • 
one and all hateful to God ; it only waits for 
this result to crown itself with completest 

Through the Atlantic ocean, there is a 
majestic river called the gulf stream. Start- 
ing from the fountain-head of the Gulf of 
Mexico, warm with the life-blood of the equa- 
tor, a balmy summer of the sea, it pursues its 
course towards the Arctic ocean. No citieas 
adorn its bunks ; no variegated landscapes 
stretch down to its sides ; no busy hum of 
industry is hoard up n it.- shores; no church- 
bells chime with its running waters; no poe- 
try tunes its measures to its blue waves. 
Within the ocean it is not of the ocean, but 
holds its distinctiveness as though conscious 
of its own appointed tasks. No such current 
is known in the world. "Its current," says 
Lieutenant Maury, "is more rapid than the 
Mississippi, or the Amazon, and its volume 
more than a thousand times greater," Off 
Gape Hattenis, off the Grand Banks, it still 
holds its victorious way, hastening as no 
river hastens, to perform its destined work. 
And then far away in Northern latitudes its 
vast freight of heat is distributed to the Brit- 
ish Islands and Western Europe, relieving 
Prance and England of the effects of their 
geographical positions, and adapting their 
climates to the seat of magnificent civiliza- 
tions. But this grand agency of compensa- 
tion is only symbolic of the sphere, which we 
as a people are being trained to fill. Our 
sectionalism, our local prejudices, our dogma- 
tisms, are undergoing the sure process of 
liberalization, and Providence is preparing 
us to bless the nations. Let us be patient 
and hopeful. Transition period? are always 
convulsive. Periods of preparation are dark 
and gloomy. But a splendid future is ours 
if we will be co-workers with Providence. 
Our political creed is written for us by the 
hand of Heaven, and our pTt is to accept its 
principles as final. If like Niagara, this 
stream of blood pours over its precipice, like 
Niagara, its white clou! of incense rises to- 
wards the heavens of God, wreathed with the 
rainbows that prophecy the adrent of a most 
blessed peace. Cincinnatus. 


liit;iiEiiE(i{mv™iGiiwrAi''iiiiL 1 iffl," 

'it ^s. 


Ira I^^afitics, it is opposed to tlie con- 
solidatiora of the States, 

t, h 



Maintains the Political Opinions embodied in the within Address. 

The Editors of the Register, with no little experioDce in journalism, and the 
facilities furnished by the combination of two publishing establishments, have 
succeeded in giving to their readers as great a variety, and as judiciously selected 
reading matter as any paper of the South. Our success thus far has been unex- 
ampled. We bow publish more reading .oatter than any paper in the South. 

We have engaged the services of Mr. Reid, who attends the Army of Ten- 
nessee in all its movements. 'He was formerly the Army correspondent of the 
Intelligencer and of the Mobile Press, in which he was known as "290" and 
" Oca" Mr. Reid will furnish us with special Telegrams and also with detail- 
ed accounts of the movements a&d fortunes of that army, on which depends 
the fate of Georgia and of the Confederation. Besides Mr. Reid, we hare 
f Marshall" and ''Bird" and other special correspondents in almost every bri- 
gade of the Army of Tennessee. There is hardly a family in the Gulf States, 
a member of whose household is not with Gen. Johnston. The Register bo- 
comes a medium of communication between the absent and those at home. 

From Richmond we hare a regular contributor, And " John Halifax Gent" 
sends us inimitable sketches from the Army of Virginia, while "Cousin Nour- 
ma" and "Cantin" "slosh around". everywhere. 
JB@tTerms :— Per Month, 55 00 

Atlanta, Ga. - 

. . ___„__________.___ iJS. 


I iM